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Mortal 
tot  Ammra 


A  STUDY  SYLLABUS 

By 
HORNELL  HART 


IN  THE  PRESENT  SOCIAL  CRISIS 
When  old  social  and  economic  institutions  are  being  abandoned; 

When  government  control  of  industry  has  been  carried  to  an  unpre- 
cedented degree; 

When  public  regulation  of  wages  and  prices  have  been  greatly  ex- 
tended; 

When  taxation  of  incomes,  profits,  inheritances,  and  luxuries  has 
been  immensely  increased  by  war  necessity; 

When  equal  suffrage  seems  imminent; 

When  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic  is  impending; 

When  organized  labor  has  acquired  unprecedented  influence; 

When  extreme  radicals  are  the  controlling  native  force  in  Russia; 

When  a  Socialistic  Republic  is  being  established  in  Germany; 

When  the  British  Labor  Party  is  uniting  hand  and  brain  workers 
on  a  program  of  fundamental  economic  reconstruction; 

When  capitalists  of  the  Charles  M.  Schwab  type  predict  the  ajp- 
proaching  domination  of  America  by  the  manual  workers; 

In  such  a  crisis,  every  thinking  person  wants  to  know  the  rudiments 
of  the  great  issues  up.  for  decision,  to  think  these  issues  through  for 
himself,  and  to  encourage  others  to  face  the  social  reconstruction 
with  equal  frankness.  As  an  aid  to  these  ends,  this  study  syllabus 
has  been  prepared  as  the  co-operative  product  of  a  number  of  liberal 
thinkers. 

Copies  may  be  secured  at  15  cents  each,  eight 
for  one  dollar,  or  $10  per  hundred,  prepaid,  from 
Hornell  Hart,  449  Riddle  Road,  Cincinnati. 

THIRD  EDITION 


'   <? 

' 


HOW  TO  USE  THIS  SYLLABUS. 

Groups  of  eight  to  twelve  people,  meeting  weekly,  will  get 
the  most  out  of  this  syllabus. 

Types  of  groups  which  might  well  make  use  of  the  outline 
are  discussion  clubs,  college  and  high-school  classes  in  social 
problems,  adult  Sunday-school  classes,  and  groups  of  soldiers 
and  sailors  in  service.  You  can  help  to  promote  thinking 
along  these  lines  by  putting  such  groups  into  touch  with  this 
movement. 

Make  it  a  discussion  course,  not  a  lecture  course.  One  stimu- 
lating leader  may  be  selected  for  the  whole  course,  or  mem- 
bers may  be  responsible  in  rotation  for  the  meetings,  but  in 
either  case  the  chief  feature  for  each  meeting  should  be  the 
interchange  of  viewpoints  by  all  the  members  of  the  group. 
If  thought-provoking  lecturers  can  be  secured,  a  possible  ar- 
rangement is  to  devote  half  or  three-quarters  of  an  hour  to 
the  lecture  before  a  large  audience,  and  divide  up  into  small 
groups  for  an  hour  of  intimate  discussion.  Debate  on  ques- 
tions suggested  for  original  thought  should  be  emphasized. 

References  printed  in  bold-face  should  be  read,  if  possible,  by 
every  member  of  the  group.  Other  references  may  be  di- 
vided up  among  the  members,  each  reporting  briefly  the  es- 
sence of  his  reading.  If  members  can  devote  no  time  to 
outside  reading,  a  mere  reading  of  the  syllabus  and  the  dis- 
cussion growing  out  of  it  will  be  decidedly  worth  while. 

Ask  the  librarian  at  your  public  library  to  reserve  on  a  spe- 
cial shelf  the  books  and  periodicals  referred  to  in  the  syllabus 
so  that  members  of  your  group  can  locate  them  easily. 

If  the  course  is  too  long  for  your  group,  take  up  the  first 
two  and  the  last  two  sections,  with  such  of  the  intervening 
sections  as  seem  to  your  group  most  important. 

When  you  have  finished  the  course  as  a  member,  become  an 
officer  in  the  army  of  thought  by.  starting  a  new  group.  You 
will  get  more  out  of  H  the -second  time,  as  leader,  than  you 
did  the  first  as  pupiL  ;.;/;;;  ;  . 


I.  BASIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  SOCIAL^  jrs 


After  the  war,  out  of  the  broken  traditions,  precedents  and 
institutions  of  the  past,  and  out  of  the  emergency  machinery 
which  the  war  has  created  in  government  and  industry,  a 
new  social  order  must  be  built.  What  sort  of  an  order  this 
should  be,  is  the  question  which  this  syllabus  proposes  to 
study. 

A.  As  a  possible  area  of  agreement  which  our  study  may  ac- 
cept as  a  basis  for  the  new  order,  certain  principles  evolved 
by  leaders  in  social,  religious  and  labor  organization  work 
are  presented  herewith  for  discussion: 

1.  Every  child  should,  without  his  own  gainful  labor,  be 
assured  adequate  nourishment,  wholesome  housing,  suffi- 
cient clothing,  skilled  medical  care,  normal  family  life, 
and  such  education  and  recreation  as  shall  develop  his 
maximum   capacity  for  joyous  living,   and  his  greatest 
serviceability  to  society. 

2.  Adequate  incomes  should  be  assured  normal  families 
up  to  a  reasonable  size  limit,  by  one  or  more  of  three 
methods:     a.  Every  able-bodied  and  able-minded  father 
of  a  family  should  be  guaranteed  the  opportunity  to  earn 
an  income  sufficient  to  assure  such  a  standard  of  living 
to  his  children,  and  to  their  mother;  b.  Some  form  of 
maternity  benefit  should  be  provided  for  the  support  of 
mothers  and  children;  c.  An  increased  amount  of  goods 
and  services  might  be  provided  freely  by  the  government. 

3.  The  opportunity  to  earn  at  least  enough  to  maintain 
physical  and  moral  health  should  be  assured  to  all  able- 
bodied  and  able-minded  workers. 

4.  For  workers  mentally  incompetent  to  earn  a  decent 
living,   and  for  women  mentally   unfit  for  motherhood, 
cheerful  institutional  or  supervisory  care  should  be  pro- 
vided, with  provision  against  reproduction  of  those  whose 
defects  are  hereditary. 

5.  Catastrophies,  such  as  sickness,  injury,  invalidity,  old 
age,  death,  and  unemployment,  should  be  prevented  or 
postponed  by  all  the  resources  of  medical  and  social  sci- 
ence, and  when  they  do  occur,  the  resulting  economic  loss 
should  be  borne,  not  by  the  worker  and  his  dependents, 
but  by  the  community,  under  provisions  calculated  to  en- 
courage prevention  of  such  catastrophies,  and  to  maintain 
the  self-respect  of  the  victims. 

6.  The  conditions  of  employment  should  be  so  adjusted  as 
first  to  secure  the  health  and  maximum  welfare  of  the 
workers,  and  second  to  attain  the  largest  product  con- 
sistent with  that  welfare. 

7.  The  control  of  industry  should  be  democratized. 

3 


393921 


B.  The  following  quotations  indicate  the  widespread  accept- 
ance of  these  axioms  i 

1.  The  War  Labor  Conference  Board    (including  five  of 
the  largest  employers  in  the  nation,  five  officers  of  labor 
unions  with  over  1,000,000  members,  Frank  P.  Walsh,  and 
Wm.  H.  Taft)  states  among  its  priciples  for  the  arbitra- 
tion of  all  labor  disputes: 

The  right  of  all  workers  to  organize  in  trade  unions  and  to  bargain 
collectively  through  chosen  representatives  is  recognized  and  affirmed. 
The  right  of  all  workers,  including  common  laborers,  to  a  living  wage 
is  hereby  declared.  In  fixing  wages,  minimum  rates  of  pay  shall  be 
established  which  will  insure  the  subsistence  of  the  worker  and  his 
family  in  health  and  reasonable  comfort. 

These  principles  were  officially  endorsed  by  President  Wil- 
son on  April  8,  1918. 

2.  J.   Ogden  Armour  testified  in  the  recent  stockyards 
wage   hearing:      Q.    "You   want  your   laborers   to   have 
enough  to  live  properly,  Mr.  Armour?"    A.    "Naturally." 
Q.    "And  you  are  willing  for  the  arbitrator  to  fix  wages 
which  will  make  decent  living  possible?"    A.  "Of  course." 

3.  Mr.  A.  Parker  Nevin,  general  counsel  of  the  National 
Association  of  Manufacturers,  is  quoted  as  saying:  "We 
want  wage  determinations  based  on  a  scientific  and  human 
groundwork,  not  on  caprice  or  brutality." 

4.  Among  the  essentials  of  a  brief  war-time  program  ad- 
vocated by  the  Federal  Childrens'  Bureau  are  the  follow- 
ing: 

Public  health  nurses  and  suitable  medical  attention;  care  of  babies 
by  their  own  mothers  under  decent  home  conditions;  adequate  living 
incomes;  family  allowances  for  soldiers'  families;  mothers'  pensions 
for  civilians;  enforcement  of  child  labor  laws  and  full  schooling; 
recreation  for  children  and  youth,  abundant,  decent,  protected  from 
any  form  of  exploitation. 

5.  Rev.   John   A.    Ryan,   of  the   Catholic   University  of 
Washington,  in  his  "A  Living  Wage,"  says:     "The  right 
to  a  family  living  wage  belongs  to  every  adult  male  la- 
borer."    (p.  120.) 

6.  The   Federal    Council   of  the   Churches   of   Christ   in 
America,  including  the  bulk  of  all  the  protestant  churches 
in  the  United  States,  is  committed  to  a  platform  which 
includes  the  following: 

The  fullest  possible  development  of  every  child;  the  right  of  all  men 
to  the  opportunity  for  self -maintenance;  suitable  provision  for  the 
old  age  of  the  workers,  and  for  those  incapacitated  by  injury;  con- 
servation of  health;  protection  of  the  workers  from  dangerous 
machinery,  occupational  diseases  and  mortality;  reduction  of  hours 
of  labor  to  the  lowest  practicable  point;  the  right  of  employers  and 
employes  alike  to  organize;  a  living  wage  as  the  minimum  in  every 
industry,  and  for  the  highest  wage  that  each  industry  can  afford. 


7.  The  program  proposed  for  the  British  Labor  Party,  on 
Labor  and  the  New  Social  Order,  includes  this  statement: 
"The  first  principle  of  the  Labor  Party  *  *  *  is  the 
securing  to  every  member  of  the  community,  in  good 
times  and  bad  alike  (and  not  only  to  the  strong  and  for- 
tunate), of  all  the  requisites  of  healthy  life  and  worthy 
citizenship." 

8.  The  executive  council  of  the  American  Federation 
of  Labor  holds  that 

Every  worker  has  a  right  to  a  just  portion  of  the  wealth  which  he 
helps  to  create,  a  full  right  to  earn  out  of  his  toil  an  opportunity 
for  his  children  equal  to  that  of  any  citizen,  a  full  right  that  every 
just  safeguard  shall  be  afforded  him  for  his  physical  safety,  for  his 
health  and  comfort  while  at  work.  Every  worker  has  the  right  to 
compensation  for  physical  injury  or  disease  occasioned  in  the  course 
of  production  *  *  (and)  the  additional  right  to  opportunity 

for  rehabilitation. 

C.  Opposition  to  social  insurance  has  been  voiced  by  some 
employers'  and  trade  union  organizations;  opposition  to  pre- 
vention of  the  propagation  of  the  unfit  has  been  expressed  by 
some  Catholics;  and  item  A,  1,  is  opposed  by  employers  of 
child  labor.    General  opposition  to  all  the  planks  may  be  ex- 
pected from  persons  of  individualistic  philosophy. 

D.  For  original  thought  and  discussion: 

1.  How  would  you  modify  the  principles  set  forth  under 

1.  A,  in  order  to  make  them  represent  truly  your  own  con- 
ception of  the  minimum  requirements  of  social  justice? 

2.  How  many  of  the  I,  A,  principles  are  necessarily  in- 
volved in  the  War  Labor  Conference  Board's  principles? 

3.  Compare  the  standards  established  by  the  government 
in  the  care  of  the  United  States  soldiers  and  their  fami- 
lies, with  the  ideals  set  forth  in  this  section. 

E.  Suggested  readings.     (Read  especially  the  bolf-face  ref- 
erences.    Dip  into  the  others,  or  ask  each  member  of  the 
group  to  read  and  report  on  one.) 

Labor  and  the  New  Social  Order:  New  Republic,  Feb.  16, 
1918,  Pt.  II,  or  Monthly  Review,  U.  S.  Bur.  Labr,  Stat., 
Apr.,  1918,  pp.  63ff. 

Social  Standards  of  the  Love  joy  "Committee  of  the  Na- 
tional Conference  of  Charities,  Proceedings  1912  (Cleve- 
land), pp.  388-395. 

The  Church  and  Social  Service  in  the  U.  S.  H.  F.  Ward. 
1914.  Pp  148-184.  (Fleming  H.  Revell,  50  cents.) 


II.  HOW  FAR  DOES  AMERICA  FALL  SHORT  OF 
SOCIAL  JUSTICE? 

The  principles  set  forth  in  Section  I,  so  widely  accepted  by 
church  and  state,  and  in  part  by  labor  and  capital,  cannot  be 
realized  by  a  return,  after  the  war,  to  the  social  status  quo 
ante. 

A.  The  following  facts  indicate  the  extent  of  our  failure  to 
maintain  in  the  United  States  the  principles  of  social  justice 
outlined  in  I,  A: 

1.  A  large  proportion  of  the  children  in  the  United  States 
do  not  receive  the  living  outlined  on  page  3: 

a.  "There  are  in  the  city  of  New  York  at  the  present 
time  (December,  1917)  216,000  children  who  are  seri- 
ously undernourished,  and  another  611,000  who  are 
only  in  passable  condition,  or  who  may  be  recorded  as 
'borderline  cases/  '     From  the  report  of  an  official  sur- 
vey made  by  the  Department  of  Health  of  New  York 
City,  in  which  171,000  public  school  children  were  ex- 
amined.    The  seriously  undernourished  were  21  per 
cent  of  all  the  children  examined. 

b.  A  study  by  the  City  Club  of  Milwaukee  found  that 
40  per  cent  of  the  children  under  working  age  in  that 
city  come  from  families  with  incomes  too  small  to  pro- 
vide a  wholesome  living. 

c.  As  to  education,  Ayers  shows    (Laggards  in  Our 
Schools,  p.  65)  that  only  half  of  the  children  in  our 
city  schools  reach  the  eighth  grade,  and  only  one-tenth 
reach  the  last   year  of  high   school.     Many   of  the 
brightest  and  most  of  the  dull  children  leave  school 
at  14  to  16  years  of  age  to  go  to  work. 

d.  Chapin  found   that   in   New   York   City,   in   1907, 
among  families  with  incomes  of  $800  to  $900,  22  per 
cent  were  undernourished,  32  per  cent  underclothed, 
and  53  per  cent  overcrowded.    In  lower  income  groups 
conditions  were  radically  worse.    Yet  food  prices  have 
increased  since  1907  so  that  today  $1,500  would  be  re- 
quired to  purchase  the  food  which  $850  would  secure 
when  Chapin  made  his  study. 

2.  Between  25  and  50  per  cent  of  the  married  men  in  the 
United  States  earn  too  little  to  provide  for  their  families: 

a.  The  United  States  Immigration  Commission  re- 
ported that,  among  wage-earners'  families,  43  per  cent 
of  those  with  native-born  heads,  and  66  per  cent  of 
those  with  foreign-born  heads,  had  incomes  of  less 
than  $750  in  1908,  including  contributions  made  by 
wives,  children  and  boarders. 


b.  The  Federal  Children's  Bureau  found   (1914-1916) 
in  its  survey  of  Baltimore,  Waterbury,  Akron,   and 
Manchester,  that  39  per  cent  of  the  fathers  of  babies 
born  in  these  cities  earned  less  than  $650  in  the  year 
following  the  baby's  birth. 

c.  In  the  states  of  Massachusetts,  Ohio,  and  California, 
official  reports  show  that  55  per  cent  of  the  male  wage- 
earners  18  years  of  age  and  over  earned,  when  steadily 
employed  in  manufacturing,  less  than  $15  weekly,  or 
less  than  $780  yearly  in  1915.    Wages  in  other  indus- 
tries in   Ohio    (and   undoubtedly   elsewhere)    average 
practically  the  same  as  in  manufacturing. 

d.  Father  Ryan  says:    "The  universal  application  of 
the  Living  Wage  principle     *    *    *    would  mean  an 
increase  in  various  degrees  in  the  remuneration  of 
more  than  60  per  cent  of  the  male  adults  employed  in 
urban  occupations."     (Op.  cit.,  p.  328.) 

e.  Recent  wage  and  cost  of  living  inquiries  are  practi- 
cally unanimous  that,  during  the  world  war,  the  cost 
of  living  has  increased  faster  than  average  wages. 

3.  A  large  proportion  of  women  workers  earn  less  than 
enough  to  maintain  health  and  decency.    In  Ohio,  in  1915, 
more  than  half  of  the  factory  and  sales  women  18  years 
old  and  over  earned  less  than  $8  a  week.     Of  stenog- 
raphers and  clerks,  one-third  earned  less  than  $9  a  week. 
The  minimum  cost  of  living  for  women,  as  determined  by 
wage  boards  in  other  states  before  the  war,  was  from  $8 
to  $10. 

4.  The  terrific  casualties  of  industrial  life  run  vastly  be- 
yond the  unavoidable  minimum.    Hundreds  of  millions  of 
dollars   in  wages   lost  through   sickness,   100,000  young 
mothers  widowed  each  year,  and  from  one  to  six  and  a 
half  million   workers   unemployed   at  a  given  time,   are 
among  the  preventable  catastrophies  of  industrial  life  in 
the  United  States. 

5.  Fire  hazards,  dust,  wetness,  industrial  poisons,  excessive 
hours,  and  destructive  strain  are  still  prevalent  in  Ameri- 
can industry,  though  such  conditions  are  steadily  being 
eliminated. 

B.  On  the  other  hand,  it  should  be  noted  that  real  wages  and 
sanitary  standards  are  decidedly  higher  in  the  United  States 
than  in  Europe,  and  immensely  higher  than  in  Asia. 

C.  For  original  thought  and  discussion: 

1.  Define  the  minimum  justifiable  standard  of  living  in 
terms  of  real  income — what  kind  of  a  house,  what  kind 
of  food,  what  kind  of  clothing,  what  degree  of  medical 


care,  what  kind  and  amount  of  education  and  recreation, 
should  be  insisted  on  as  a  minimum?  Should  a  minimum 
day's  work  be  defined  and  insisted  on  as  a  corollary? 

2.  Collect  and  turn  in  references  to  facts  bearing  on  the 
extent  to  which  social  justice  is  realized  in  America,  com- 
pared with  the  ideals  outlined  on  page  3,  and  compared 
also  with  pre-war  conditions  in  Europe  and  Asia. 

3.  In   a   democratic   system   of   education,   what  factors 
should  determine  how  great  the  opportunity  of  a  pupil 
shall  be?    Is  our  educational  system  democratic? 

4.  What  are  the  functions  of  charity  in  the  elimination  of 
social  injustice? 

D.  Suggested  readings: 

Conditions  of  Labor  in  American  Industries.  Lauck  and 
Sydenstricker  1917.  Pp.  29,  43,  61,  116,  141,  195,  217-219, 
357-383.  (Funk  &  Wagnalls,  $1.75.) 

Fluctuations  of  Unemployment  in   Cities   of  the  U.    S. 

Hornell  Hart,  1915.    Pp.  48-57.     (Trounstine  Foundation, 

Cincinnati,  25  cents.) 

People  of  the  Abyss.     Jack  London,  1903.     (Macmillan, 

$1.50.) 

How  the  Other  Half  Lives.    Jacob  A.  Riis,  1899.     (Scrib- 

ner's  $1.50.) 

Poverty.    Robert  Hunter,  1904.     (Macmillan,  $1.50.) 

The  Jungle.     Upton   Sinclair,   1906.      (Doubleday,   Page, 

$1.50.) 

Misery  and  Its  Causes.     Edward  T.  Devine. 

III.  CONSERVATIVE  REMEDIES  FOR  MISERY: 
ECONOMY  AND  EFFICIENCY. 

Certain  groups  believe  that  the  world's  greatest  need  after 
the  war,  as  before  it,  will  be  to  produce  the  largest  possible 
amount  of  wealth,  and  to  waste  the  smallest  possible  amount. 

A.  Wastefulness,  extravagance,  and  intemperance  of  the 
poor,  seem  to  many  chief  causes  of  poverty  and  social  malad- 
justment. Thrift  and  temperance  are  therefore  urged  as 
remedies. 

1.  In  favor  of  this  point  of  view,  it  is  urged: 

a.  That  the  liquor  bill  of  the  United  States  is  nearly 
two  billion  dollars  a  year. 

b.  That  the  average  American  family  is  said  to  waste 
enough  to  feed  a  European  family. 

c.  That  the  poor  buy  expensive  cuts  of  meat  and  other 
food  luxuries,  spend  excessively  for  amusements,  and 

8 


use  their  money  extravagantly  in   prosperous  times 
with  no  thought  for  the  future. 

d.  That  use  of  alcohol  greatly  reduces  the  efficiency 
of  workers. 

2.  Further  study  of  this  problem  brings  out  these  addi- 
tional facts: 

a.  A  government  survey  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  in  1916, 
found  that  the  lowest  expenditure  at  which  any  of  31 
families  intensively  studied  attained  anything  like  a 
balanced  and  adequate  ration,  was  40  cents  for  food 
per  day  per  equivalent  of  an  adult  male.    Yet,  out  of 
2,000    representative    families,    with    incomes    up    to 
$2,000  a  year,  two-»thirds  spent  less  than  this  essen- 
tial amount.     Not  waste,  but  inadequate  income  was 
the  dominant  factor.     (Mo.  Rev.  U.  S.  Bur.  Labr.  Stat. 
V.  836-8,  1080-1.) 

b.  Two  separate  studies  of  expenditures  for  liquor,  one 
by  the  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  and  the  other 
by    the    New    York    City    Health    Department,    both 
showed  that  liquor  expenditures  average  very  much 
less  in  families  with  small  incomes  than  in  families 
better  able  to  spare  the  money.    Exceptions,  of  course, 
occur. 

c.  Every  study  of  family  budgets  finds  that  in  families 
with  small  incomes  the  great  bulk  of  the  money  goes 
for  food,  rent  and  clothing,  while  very  little  is  spent 
for  recreation,  health,  or  other  dispensable  items.    As 
incomes  increase  beyond  the  poverty  line,  the  relative 
importance  of  non-essentials  in  the  average  budget  in- 
creases rapidly.     Extravagance  and  luxury,  according 
to  the  most  reliable  statistics,  are  in  general  character- 
istic of  the  well-to-do,  not  of  the  poor,  though  here 
again  exceptions  occur. 

B.  Maulthus,  his  followers,  and  recent  advocates  of  family 
limitation,  urge  self-restraint  or  contraception  as  remedies 
for  poverty. 

1.  In  favor  of  this  position  they  assert: 

a.  That  India  and  China  are  proofs  of  the  extreme 
poverty  which  results  from  over-population. 

b.  That  the  largest  families  tend  to  suffer  most  from 
poverty.    In  Milwaukee  it  was  found  that  the  average 
size  of  families  with  inadequate  incomes  was  5.2  per- 
sons, while  for  other  families  the  average  was  only  4.4. 

c.  That  children  of  large  families  tend  to  suffer  in 
health  and  vitality. 

9 


2.  In  opposition  to  family  limitation  it  is  urged: 

a.  That  contraception  is  contrary  to  natural  law. 

b.  That  family  limitation  encourages  abortion. 

c.  That  the  educated  and  intelligent  practice  it,  while 
the  ignorant  do  not,  thus  diminishing  the  good  stock, 
and  multiplying  the  inferior. 

C.  More  effective  utilization  of  natural  resources  is  urged: 

a.  The  Department  of  Agriculture  estimates  that  70 
per  cent  of  the  arable  land  (including  grazing  land)  is 
not  under  cultivation. 

b.  Waterways,  it  is  asserted,  have  fallen  into  disuse 
because  of  discriminatory  rates  devised  by  the  rail- 
roads to  discourage  river  traffic. 

c.  Water  powers  and  other  natural  resources  are  not 
adequately  conserved  and  developed. 

D.  Conservation  of  human  resources  is  urged,  on  the  grounds 
that: 

a.  Every  worker  or  potential  worker  who  dies  or  is  in- 
capacitated before  the  end  of  his  productive  life,  repre- 
sents a  loss  of  labor  power  equal  to  what  he  would 
have  produced  above  the  cost  of  his  maintenance. 

b.  Unemployment  and  sickness  cause  the  loss,  on  the 
average,  of  ten  per  cent  of  our  labor  power. 

E.  Scientific  management  of  our  industries  is  urged. 

1.  Its  advocates  point  out: 

a.  That  industrial  processes  are  operated  at  only  a 
fraction  of  their  possible  efficiency,  because  of  lack  of 
scientific  analysis  and  planning  of  work,  lack  of  enthu- 
siasm on  the  part  of  the  workers,  and  deliberate  limi- 
tation of  output  by  workers;  that  it  would  be  to  the 
mutual  advantage  of  employer  and  employe  to  work 
together  intelligently  to  eliminate  inefficiency,  and  that 
wages  adequate  to  abolish  poverty  would  result. 

b.  That  competitive  advertising  and  marketing,  dupli- 
cating and  parallelling  of  railroads,  telephones,  retail 
stores,  retail  deliveries,  etc.,  are  wasteful,  and  that  the 
getting  of  food  from  producer  to  consumer  is  needless- 
ly expensive. 

2.  Scientific  management  as  an  adequate  remedy  under 
private  ownership,  is  opposed  on  various  grounds: 

a.  That  the  slacking  of  workers  is  due  to  past  expe- 
rience of  the  cutting  of  piece-rates  by  employers  as 
soon  as  processes  had  been  speeded  up,  and  that  the 

10 


same  exploitation  will  occur  in  new  forms  under  scien- 
tific management. 

b.  That  scientific  management  tends  to  require  exces- 
sive speed  in  work. 

c.  That  it  tends  to  break  down  labor  organization,  and 
thus  leave  the  workers  unprotected. 

F.  Abolition  of  war  is  a  most  urgent  requirement  if  national 
incomes  are  to  be  adequate  to  abolish  misery.    If  militarism 
prevails,  the  cost  of  standing  armies  and  navies,  and  the  ex- 
pense and  destruction  of  recurring  wars,  will  tend  to  absorb 
a  large  share  of  the  surplus  above  bare  necessities. 

G.  General  criticisms :  Although  it  is  agreed  by  all  that  great 
wastes  and  huge  inefficiencies  exist,  and  should  be  remedied, 
many  social  thinkers  contend  that  economy  and  efficiency  are 
not  primary  but  secondary.    They  urge: 

1.  That  unemployment,  wasteful  advertising  and  market- 
ing, disuse  of  rivers  and  canals,  speculative  holding  of  idle 
land,  destruction  of  crops  to  increase  prices,  slacking  by 
workers,  and  other  forms  of  inefficiency,  are  due  funda- 
mentally to  an  individualistic  competitive  system  of  indus- 
try, organized  for  private  profit  rather  than  for  the  gen- 
eral welfare. 

2.  That  as  long  as  industry  is  autocratically  owned  and 
managed,  with  the  owners  allowing  labor  as  small  a  share 
of  the  product  as  possible,  labor  will  refuse  to  co-operate 
enthusiastically  in  promoting  efficiency. 

3.  That  war,  the  greatest  waste  of  all,  is  due  to  the  selfish 
economic  competition  of  individualistic  nations. 

4.  That  the  present  income  of  the  United  States,  if  it  were 
justly  distributed,  is  large  enough,  under  conditions  of 
permanent  peace,  to  make  decent  living  possible  for  all: 

a.  The  total  income  of  the  United  States  is  now,  ac- 
cording to  the  Bankers  Trust  Company  of  New  York 
City,  50  billion  dollars,  or  $2,200  per  family  per  year. 

b.  In  1910,  when  the  total  national  income  was  30.5 
billions,  the  income  paid  to  property  holders  in  ground 
rent  and  interest  amounted  to  7.8  billions,  or  about 
$400  for  each  family  in  the  United  States.    The  total 
savings  of  the  country  were  two  billions,  or  only  $100 
per  family.     (W.  I.  King,  Wealth  and  Income  of  the 
People  of  the  U.  S.,  pp.  132  and  158.) 

c.  The  amount  of  money  which  the  incomes  of  poor 
families    in    the    United    States    were    short    of    the 
amounts  needed  to  make  normal  living  possible,  was 
roughly  about  1.5  billions  a  year  in  1910,  or  about  one- 

11 


fourth  of  the  property  income  minus  savings.  In 
other  words,  the  poverty  deficit  could  be  met  without 
touching  existing  wages  or  salaries,  without  diminish- 
ing savings,  and  with  the  bulk  of  existing  ground  rent 
and  interest  still  intact. 

5.  That,  although  our  national  income  is  large  enough, 
even  now,  practically  to  abolish  poverty,  a  vastly  dispro- 
portionate share  of  it  goes  to  a  favored  minority  of  the 
people  : 

a.  The  Bankers  Trust  Company  of  New  York  City  esti- 
mates that  ten  million  poor  families  and  individuals 
have  average  incomes  of  $700  a  year,  while  ten  thou- 
sand rich  families  and  individuals  have  average  yearly 
incomes  of  $275,000. 

b.  Wilford  I.  King  estimates  that  in  1910,  the  richest 
2  per  cent  of  the  families  and  individuals  in  the  United 
States  received  as  much  income  as  the  poorest  40  per 
cent. 

H.  For  original  thought  and  discussion: 

1.  What   effects   upon   efficiency   of   production   has   the 
method  of  determining  the  worker's  share  of  the  product? 

2.  As  means  toward  the  abolition  of  poverty,  which  is 
most  important:   increasing  the  total  product  of  industry, 
or  arriving  at  a  juster  distribution  of  the  product  already 
being  produced? 

3.  Compare  the  advantages  of  competition  in  stimulating 
effort  and  initiative,  with  its  wastes  and  inefficiencies. 

4.  How  can  the  wastes  of  the  rich  be  eliminated? 

5.  Discuss  the  relative  importance  of  prevention  of  future 
wars   as   compared  with  other  items   in   a  program   of 
efficiency  and  economy. 

I.  Suggested  readings: 

Scientific  Management  and  Labor.    Robert  F.  Hoxie,  1915. 

Pp.  7-19  and  123-136  (D.  Appleton,  $1.50),  or  the  Survey, 

35:673-680. 

Wealth  and  Income  of  the  People  of  the  U.  S.    W.  I.  King, 

1915.     Pp.  79,   158,  224-229,  and  238-255.      (Macmillan, 

$1.50.) 

Scientific  Management  and  the  Railroads.    Louis  D.  Bran- 

deis,   1911.      (The  Engineers'   Magazine   Co.,   N.   Y.   C., 

$1.50.) 

Labor's  Share  of  the  Social  Product.     Basil  M.  Manley. 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy,  69:128-132. 

The  High  Cost  of  Living.    Frederic  C.  Howe,  1917.    Pp. 

86-102.     (Scribner's,  $1.50.) 

12 


Birth  Control.    S.  A.  Kopf.    Survey,  37:161-165. 

Other  People's  Money.    Louis  D.  Brandeis,  1913.    Pp.  162- 

207.     (Fredr.  A.  Stokes,  $1.00.) 

Social  Control  of  the  Acquisition  of  Wealth.     Edw.   C. 

Hayes.    Am.  Econ.  Rev.,  8:Sup.  194-211   (March,  1918). 

IVo    CONSERVATIVE  REMEDIES  FOR  MISERY: 
SOCIAL  INSURANCE. 

A.  Workmen's  Compensation  for  industrial  accidents  has  be- 
come an  accomplished  fact  in  37  states.     Payments  in  one 
year  to  injured  workmen  and  their  families  have  been,  in 
Ohio,  $2,000,000;  in  Minnesota,  $400,000;  in  Massachusetts, 
$1,200,000;  in  New  York  State,  $2,500,000;  with  proportion- 
ately large  amounts  in  other  states.    The  Safety  First  move- 
ment, stimulated  largely  by  workmen's  compensation  laws,  is 
saving  approximately  4,000  lives  annually.     Yet  industrial 
accidents  still  kill  25,000  men  a  year,  and  permanently  injure 
125,000.    Non-industrial  accidents,  which  are  not  covered  by 
workmen's  compensation,  cause  three  times  as  many  deaths. 

B.  Health  Insurance. 

1.  In  favor  of  Health  Insurance  it  is  urged: 

a.  That  the  tremendous  wage  loss  caused  by  sickness 
should  be  borne  by  industry  as  a  whole,  not  by  the  in- 
dividual victims.    The  wage  loss  from  sickness  in  this 
country  is  estimated  by  the  National  Industrial  Con- 
ference Board  at  between  half  and  three-quarters  of  a 
billion  dollars  a  year,  though  that  board  opposes  health 
insurance. 

b.  That  sickness  is  responsible  for  a  large  proportion 
of  the  applications  for  charity. 

c.  That  the  medical  service  included  in  health  insur- 
ance will  greatly  reduce  the  extent  and  duration  of 
sickness,  and  that  the  desire  to  secure  lower  rates  will 
stimulate  preventive  measures  by  both  employers  and 
employes. 

2.  In  opposition  it  is  urged: 

a.  That  the  self-reliance  and  thrift  of  workers  would 
be  discouraged. 

b.  That  the  cost  of  the  plan  is  too  great  for  practica- 
bility. 

c.  That  a  campaign  of  prevention  should  be  substituted. 

d.  That  the  interests  of  doctors,  unions,  lodges,  and 
private  insurance  companies  might  suffer. 

e.  That  the  compulsory  feature  is  contrary  to  Ameri- 
can ideals. 

13 


C.  Widowhood  is  our  most  serious  catastrophe.    Nearly  100,- 
000  married  men  under  45  years  of  age  die  each  year  in  the 
United  States.    The  majority  of  these  leave  their  wives  with 
children  too  young  to  work.    Of  the  married  men  who  die,  one- 
third  are  victims  of  tuberculosis.     Accidents,  heart  trouble, 
and  pneumonia  are  other  leading  causes.    A  large  fraction  of 
the  deaths  from  such  causes  are  preventable. 

1.  Mothers'  pensions  are  urged  as  a  means  of  supporting 
the  widows  and  children. 

a.  In  favor  of  this  policy  it  is  urged  that  the  children 
are  innocent  victims  of  misfortune,  to  whom  the  state 
owes  protection ;  that  it  is  cheaper,  and  better  for  the 
family  to  support  these  children  at  home  rather  than 
in  institutions,  and  that  the  mothers  are  rendering  a 
service  to  the  state,  for  which  they  are  entitled  to  com- 
pensation. Mothers'  pension  laws  have  been  passed  in 
35  states,  but  the  funds  provided  are  utterly  inadequate 
to  provide  for  the  cases  entitled  to  pensions. 

2.  Maternity  grants  to  all  mothers  are  advocated  by  some. 

a.  They  urge  that  women  should  not  be  economically 
dependent  upon  men,  that  a  man's  wages  do  not  expand 
with  the  expansion  of  his  family,  that  poverty  in  fami- 
lies with  small  children  is  the  leading  cause  of  infant 
mortality,  bad  housing,   delinquency,   employment  of 
mothers  and  other  evils,  and  that  families  under  this 
plan  would  be  safe  from  all  types  of  economic  catas- 
trophe. 

b.  In  opposition  it  is  urged  that  such  grants  would  en- 
courage the  thriftless  to  have  large  families,  and  would 
thus  soon  reduce  all  to  poverty  through  over-population, 
that  it  would  take  from  fathers  the  stimulus  to  steady 
and  energetic  work,  and  would  encourage  desertion  and 
illegitimacy. 

3.  Socializing  of  life  insurance,  so  as  to  cover  all  fathers 
of  young  children  adequately,  has  been  suggested. 

D.  Old-age  pensions  are  advocated  by  many,  and  are  in  opera- 
tion in  England  and  other  countries. 

1.  In  favor  it  is  urged  that  men  and  women  who  have 
labored  faithfully  should  not  be  left  in  want  or  dependent 
on  charity  in  old  age. 

2.  Opponents  urge  that  such  a  system  would  be  costly  and 
would  discourage  thrift. 

E.  Unemployment  insurance  is  advocated  by  many. 

1.  In  favor  it  is  stated  that  inability  to  find  work  is  not 

14 


the  fault  of  the  worker,  that  prolonged  want  due  to  un- 
employment frequently  demoralizes  the  worker  and  his 
family,  and  that  such  insurance  might  be  used  as  a  leverage 
to  promote  regularization  of  employment. 

2.  In  opposition  it  is  urged  that  prevention  of  unemploy- 
ment is  vastly  more  important,  that  such  insurance  would 
stimulate  idleness,  that  workers  should  themselves  save 
in  advance  for  such  emergencies. 

F.  For  original  thought  and  discussion : 

1.  What  arguments,  for  and  against,  are  equally  applicable 
to  all  types  of  social  insurance? 

2.  How  much  of  the  cost  of  social  insurance  is  a  new  ex- 
penditure, and  how  much  a  transfer  of  existing  expendi- 
tures ? 

3.  What  arguments  for  and  against  social  insurance  are 
equally  applicable  to  fire  insurance? 

4.  To  what  extent  are  the  principles  and  machinery  of  the 
war  risks  insurance  act,  including  the  provision  for  allot- 
ments, separation  allowances,  compensation  for  crippled 
soldiers,  and  death  benefits,  appropriate  for,  and  capable  of 
extension  into  a  general  system  of  social  insurance  for 
civilians  ? 

5.  To  what  extent  can  social  insurance  take  the  place  of 
charity  ? 

G.  Suggested  readings: 

Principles  of  Labor  Legislation.  John  R.  Commons  and 
J.  B.  Andrews,  1916.  Pp.  354-414.  (Harper,  $2.00.) 

Brief  for  Health  Insurance.  American  Labor  Legislation 
Review,  VI,  155-238  (1916). 

Some  Fallacies  of  Compulsory  Health  Insurance.  Hoff- 
man. Scientific  Monthly,  4:306-316  (April,  1917).  Re- 
prints of  this  can  probably  be  secured  from  the  Prudential 
Life  Insurance  Company. 

Compulsory  Health  Insurance.  Thomas  H.  Simpson.  Re- 
view of  Reviews,  55:414-416. 

Capital  and  Labor  (objections).  Survey,  37:495-496 
(1917). 

Mothers  on  the  Payroll.  Sherman  M.  Craiger.  Review  of 
Reviews,  52:81-84. 

Soldiers'  Insurance.  Survey,  38:435-437,  504-505,  541-544. 
For  more  extended  reading,  see  Social  Insurance,  by  Henry 
R.  Seager,  by  Robert  M.  Woodbury,  or  by  I.  M.  Rubinow, 
or  Unemployment  Insurance,  by  I.  G.  Gibbon. 

15 


V.    CONSERVATIVE  REMEDIES: 
WAGE  AND  PRICE  BARGAINING. 

A.  Trade  unions  and  some  industrial  unions  are  the  organized 
attempt  of  the  workers  to  better  their  own  bargaining  power. 

1.  In  favor  of  unionism  it  is  urged: 

a.  That  the  individual  worker  is  at  a  hopeless  disadvan- 
tage when  he  drives  a  bargain  with  a  great  corporation, 
and  hence  that  collective  bargaining  is  essential. 

b.  That  real  betterment  of  wages  and  working  condi- 
tions can  come  only  through  collective  economic  action 
of  the  workers  themselves. 

c.  That  the  defects  of  unionism,  such  as  violence,  re- 
striction of  output  and  the  like,  are  forced  on  the 
workers  by  the  tactics  of  the  employer. 

d.  That  the  membership,  and  hence  the  possible  effec- 
tiveness of  trade  unions  is  swiftly  growing,  and  that 
the  A.  F.  of  L.  has  announced  its  intention  of  making 
increased  efforts  to  organize  the  unskilled. 

2.  In  opposition,  conservatives  urge: 

a.  That  unions  are  selfish  and  despotic  in  their  use  of 
power   against  the  employer,   the   public,   and   other 
workers. 

b.  That  they  deliberately  limit  the  amount  of  work  done. 

c.  That  their  regulations  hinder  the  introduction  of 
labor-saving  machinery  and  methods,  and  are  vexatious 
and  irritating. 

d.  That  strikes  are  accompanied  by  violence  and  de- 
struction of  property. 

3.  By  radicals,  unionism  is  criticized  on  the  grounds: 

a.  That  the  great  majority  of  the  poorly  paid  workers 
are  not  helped  by  the  unions.    In  1900  only  4  per  cent 
of  the  wage-earners  in  the  United  States  were  union 
members.    In  1910  it  has  increased  to  7  per  cent,  but 
even  allowing  for  a  doubling  of  membership  in  the  past 
eight  years,  85  per  cent  of  the  wage-earners  are  still 
not  unionized. 

b.  While  prices  of  food  increased  39  per  cent  from  1907 
to  1916,  weekly  wages  of  union  men  increased  only  19 
per  cent,  so  that  a  week's  union  wage  would  buy  20  per 
cent  less  food  in  1916  than  in  1907.     (Bui.  U.  S.  Labr. 
Stat.  No.  214,  p.  24.) 

16 


B.  Government  regulation  of  wages  and  prices  is  a  means  of 
adjusting  the  distribution  of  income. 

1.  As  instances  may  be  quoted  the  following: 

a.  The  Food  Administration  has  unquestionably  pre- 
vented a  high  speculative  rise  in  some  prices. 

b.  Government  rulings  have  brought  wage  increases  in 
the  stockyards,  on  the  railroads,  and  elsewhere. 

c.  Minimum    wage    boards    have    decidedly    increased 
wages  for  women  in  some  states. 

2.  However: 

a.  The  recent  railroad  wage  increase  aimed  simply  to 
cover  the  increase  in  cost  of  living  since  1915,  without 
attempting  to  remedy  the  huge  inadequacy  of  wages 
which  existed  at  old  price  levels. 

b.  Higher  wages  on  railroads  and  at  the  stock  yards 
mean  higher  freight  rates  and  meat  prices. 

C.  Shutting  off  immigration  reduces,  for  the  United  States, 
the  supply  of  labor,  increases  average  productivity  per  worker, 
and  betters  the  bargaining  power  of  the  workers.    Its  effects 
on  the  world  at  large  are  more  obscure. 

D.  Profit  sharing,  and  benefit  schemes  for  employes  may  give 
the  workers  a  larger  share  of  the  output. 

1.  In  their  favor  it  is  urged  that  they  stimulate  employes 
to  take  a  personal  interest  in  the  success  of  the  business, 
diminish  the  turnover  of  labor,  eliminate  strikes,  and  in- 
crease earnings. 

2.  in  opposition  it  is  urged  that  such  plans  are  drawn  up 
in  such  a  way  as  to  prevent  employes  from  joining  a  union, 
from  striking,  or  even  from  quitting,  that  they  are  pater- 
nalistic and  undemocratic,  and  that  they  produce  a  larger 
product  for  the  employer  rather  than  increase  the  worker's 
share  in  the  product. 

E.  Monopoly  prices,  stock  juggling,  financial  wrecking  of  rail- 
roads, stock  watering,  and  kindred  financial  crimes  take  huge 
amounts  from  the  people  each  year  in  excessive  prices  or  in 
money  lost  in  investments.    Conservative  remedies  offered  for 
this  condition  are  regulation  by  commissions,  dissolution  of 
trusts,  publicity,  and  so  on. 

F.  General  objections  to  increased  bargaining  power  as  a 
remedy: 

1.  In  actual  practice,  labor  unions,  government  wage  and 
price  fixing,  and  regulation  of  large  financial  powers  have 

17 


merely  helped  to  prevent  a  possible  aggravation  of  exist- 
ing economic  injustices  rather  than  achieved  fundamental 
improvements. 

2.  Unless  wages  and  prices  are  regulated  with  reference 
to  each  other,  increases  in  wages  cause  increased  prices, 
while  lowered  prices  cause  reduced  wages. 

3.  All  government  rate  and  wage  determinations,  and,  in- 
deed, all  wage  bargaining  under  existing  economic  systems, 
must  take  into  account  the  necessity  for  maintaining  a 
supply  of  capital  for  the  industry,  and  therefore  must 
maintain  intact  the  property  income  —  dividends  and  in- 
terest.    Thus,  under  private  ownership  of  the  railroads, 
the  government  guarantees  the  earnings  of  the  roads  in 
order  to  maintain  dividends  and  attract  the  capital  nec- 
essary to  extend  and  improve  them.    Since  this  is  neces- 
sary under  private  ownership,  the  proportionate  share  of 
the  product  given  to  labor  cannot,  under,  private  ownership, 
be  much  increased. 

G.  We  are  led  thus  to  consider  whether  the  present  system  of 
paying  land-rent  and  interest  to  the  owners  of  land  and  capital 
shall  continue.  Theoretically,  these  payments  are  made  in 
order  to  stimulate  saving,  and  to  prevent  the  consumption  of 
capital  already  saved.  W.  I.  King  shows,  however,  that  in 
1910,  7.8  billions  were  paid  in  ground  rent  and  interest,  and 
only  2  billions  were  saved,  in  the  United  States.  The  reward 
for  saving  was  thus  four  times  the  amount  of  new  savings. 
Various  proposals  for  turning  all  of  this  property  income  over 
to  the  hand  and  brain  workers  will  be  discussed  in  succeeding 
sections. 

H.  For  original  thought  and  discussion: 

1.  Discuss  the  justice  of  the  following  ideal  of  distribution: 
"The  product  of  industry  should  be  divided  with  a  view 
solely  to  promoting  the  maximum  production,  to  protect- 
ing all  workers,  children,  old  people  and  unfortunates  from 
poverty,  and  to  attaining  for  the  whole  community  the 
greatest  possible  psychic  income." 

2.  Should  government  control  of  wages  and  prices  be  ex- 
tended or  diminished  after  the  war? 

3.  If  the  government  were  to  fix,  for  all  industries,  mini- 
mum wages  at  a  living  level,  and  provide  that  these  wage 
rates  should  change  automatically  with  changes  in  the 
cost  of  living,  what  would  be  the  effect  upon  the  distribu- 
tion of  income,  and  on  the  present  economic  system  ? 

4.  Discuss  the  merits  of  co-operative  buying. 

5.  If  its  best  possibilities  were  realized,  how  far  could  labor 
unionism  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  type  go 
toward  the  establishment  of  social  justice? 

18 


6.  What  would  be  the  logical  outcome  of  the  present  gov- 
ernment policy  toward  labor? 

7.  What   occidental   policy   toward   oriental   immigration 
would  be  best  for  the  world  as  a  whole? 

I.  Suggested  readings: 

Organized  Labor  in  America.  Geo.  G.  Groat,  1918.  Pp. 
455-489.  (Macmillan,  $1.75.) 

Industrial  Relations.  By  Twenty  Quaker  Employers.  Sur- 
vey, Nov.  23,  1918.  Part  2. 

Principles  of  Labor  Legislation.    Commons  and  Andrews, 
1916.    Chapter  III,  Collective  Bargaining,  pp.  91-124;  IV, 
The  Minimum  Wage,  pp.  167-196.    (Harper,  $2.00.) 
Trade  Unionism  in  the  U.  S.    Robert  F.  Hoxie,  1917.     (D. 
Appleton,  $2.50.) 

Articles  Against  Unions:  The  Unpopular  Review,  5:254- 
274;  6:276-293;  8:168-179. 

Other  People's  Money  and  How  the  Bankers  Use  It. 
Louis  D.  Brandeis,  1913.  Pp.  1-17.  (Fred.  H.  Stokes, 
$1.00.) 

Government  Price  Regulation.    E.  R.  A.  Seligman.  Review 

of  Reviews,  56:289-292. 

Profit  Sharing.    Arthur  Burritt  and  others,  1918.    Pp.  249- 

257.     (Harper,  $2.50.) 

For  Value  Received.     John  Fitch.     The  Survey,  40:221 

(May  25,  1918). 

VI.    TAXATION  AS  A  MEANS  TOWARD  SOCIAL 
JUSTICE. 

A.  The  income  tax  is  being  increasingly  used  as  a  means  of 
placing  the  cost  of  government  upon  those  best  able  to  bear  it. 

1.  Among  the  arguments  in  its  favor  are: 

a.  That  the  cost  of  maintaining  the  local,  state,  and 
national  governments,  amounting,  before  the  war,  to 
about  $150  per  family  in  the  United  States,  has.  been 
placed  on  the  general  consumer  by  the  tariff  and  the 
general  property  tax. 

b.  That  the  general  property  tax  is  extremely  difficult 
to  collect  equitably. 

c.  That  a  graduated  income  tax  rests  entirely  upon 
those  with  adequate  incomes,  and  relieves  the  poor. 

2.  The  chief  objection  raised  against  high  rates  of  income 
taxation  is  the  fear  lest  it  discourage  business  initiative 
and  ambition. 

19 


B.  Elimination  of  all  taxes  except  those  on  land  (exclusive  of 
improvements)  and  adjustment  of  the  rate  of  this  tax  so  as 
to  absorb  the  entire  ground  rent,  is  advocated  by  "single 
taxers." 

1.  In  favor  of  this  plan  it  is  urged : 

a.  That  the  private  ownership  of  land  and  private  receipt 
of  rent  are  unjust,  because  the  value  of  land  is  created 
by  nature  and  by  the  community,  not  by  the  individual. 

b.  That  such  a  tax,  by  forcing  speculators  to  release 
land  into  use,  would  greatly  stimulate  production. 

c.  That  unemployment  and  low  wages  would  disappear 
because  of  the  great  increase  in  the  demand  for  labor 
to  utilize  land  now  idle. 

d.  That  the  single  tax  would  eliminate  the  congestion 
which  is  responsible  for  bad  housing. 

e.  That  all  the  benefits  of  competition  would  be  restored 
by  single  tax,  since  it  would  eliminate  the  monopoly  of 
land,  which,  they  assert,  is  the  source  of  all  monopoly. 

f.  That  this  program  would  achieve  social  justice  with- 
out interfering  with  private  initiative  or  private  owner- 
ship of  capital. 

2.  In  criticism  of  single  tax  it  is  contended : 

a.  That  the  building  and  industrial  boom  expected  as 
a  result  of  single  tax  might  very  likely  be  followed  by 
a  collapse,  with  recurring  unemployment  and  low  wages, 
and  that  the  unemployed  are  not  a  constant  surplus  of 
labor,  but  a  fluctuating  army,  sometimes  vast,  some- 
times small,  which  no  sweeping  increase  in  labor  de- 
mand would  absorb. 

b.  That  monopoly  is  due  to  other  causes  in  addition  to 
private  ownership  of  land. 

c.  That  the  pure  land  value  of  agricultural  land  cannot 
be  separated  from  the  value  of  such  improvements  as 
clearing,  breaking,  and  fertilization. 

d.  That  the  private  ownership  of  capital  is,  in  practice, 
as  unjustifiable  as  of  land,  and  that  interest  is  as  un- 
earned as  land  rent. 

e.  That  private  competition  in  industry,  which  single 
taxers  propose  to  re-establish,  is  wasteful  and  damaging 
to  the  interests  of  both  the  worker  and  the  consumer. 

C.  Progressive  inheritance  taxes  have  been  urged 

1.  As  a  means  of  breaking  up  large  fortunes,  of  securing 
funds  to  purchase  for  the  government  public  utilities,  and 
of  financing  social  insurance  plans. 

20 


a.  Probably  5  to  10  billion  dollars  per  year  is  inherited 
in  the  United  States.  With  such  a  fund,  or  a  fraction 
of  it,  railroads,  mines  and  other  basic  utilities  could  be 
purchased  rapidly,  decreasing  thereby  the  property  in- 
come exacted  from  the  public. 

2.  In  opposition,  in  addition  to  arguments  directed  against 
public  ownership,  and  social  insurance,  it  is  urged  that  large 
fortunes  would  be  driven  from  states  or  nations  levying 
heavy  inheritance  taxes,  and  that  if  such  taxes  were  em- 
ployed for  current  expenses,  the  supply  of  capital  would  be 
depleted. 

D.  For  original  thought  and  discussion: 

1.  How  long  would  it  take  the  government,  through  a  50 
per  cent  inheritance  tax,  to  acquire  control  of  all  the  large 
industries  ? 

2.  What  would  be  the  outcome  of  a  state  in  which  the  taxes 
were  all  paid,  without  shifting,  by  a  small  minority  of  the 
people  ? 

3.  Arrange  a  debate  between  a  single  taxer  and  a  socialist. 

4.  Assuming  that  public  ownership  of  all  the  large  indus- 
tries is  advisable,  how  would  you  advocate  securing  title 
to  them? 

5.  How  would  you  finance  an  adequate  system  of  social  in- 
surance? 

6.  To  what  extent  would  the  reasons  which  led  to  the  pres- 
ent system  of  war  taxes  justify  the  application  of  similar 
taxes  to  financing  the  solution  of  the  social  problems  of 
peace? 

E.  Suggested  readings : 

Taxation  for  Social  Purposes,  in  State  Socialism.  Walling 
and  Laidler,  1917.  Pp.  617-635.  (H.  Holt,  $1.25.) 

An  Endowment  for  the  State.  Alvin  Johnson.  Atlantic, 
115:30-35. 

The  Taxation  of  Land  Values.  Vetta  Scheftel,  1916.  Pp. 
384-421.  (Houghton,  Mifflin,  $2.00.) 

Shall  New  York  City  Untax  Buildings?  C.  C.  Williamson. 
Survey,  36:332-334  (1916). 

Progress  and  Poverty.  Henry  George,  1879.  (Doubleday, 
50  cents.) 

Final  Report  of  the  Commission  on  Industrial  Relations, 
1915.  J.  R.  Commons.  Federal  Fund  for  Social  Welfare, 
pp.  389-395. 

21 


VII.    PUBLIC  OWNERSHIP  OF  LAND  AND  CAPITAL. 

A.  Many  progressives  advocate  that  the  whole  share  of  the 
national  income  which  now  goes  to  owners  of  property  should 
go  to  the  hand  and  brain  workers.    Ground-rent,  interest,  and 
profits  should,  they  claim,  be  abolished,  and  the  funds  now  paid 
to  the  capitalists  should  go  to  the  workers  in  the  form  of 
higher  compensation  and  lower  prices.    These  ends  are  to  be 
accomplished  through  public  ownership  and  operation  of  all 
the  important  industries,  including  mines,  forests,  transporta- 
tion systems,  factories,  wholesale  and  retail  stores.    The  func- 
tion of  property  income  would  then  disappear,  since  the  state 
itself  would  set  aside  the  funds  necessary  for  the  maintenance 
and  extension  of  the  means  of  production. 

B.  This  proposal  is  not 

1.  A  program  for  dividing  up  equally  the  existing  wealth, 
nor 

2.  Communism,  which  seeks  absolute  equality  or  even  iden- 
tity in  income  for  everyone,  nor 

3.  Anarchism,  which  seeks  the  abolition  of  all  compulsory 
or  forcible  government ; 

4.  Nor  is  it  an  attack  upon  patriotism,  religion,  or  family 
life. 

C.  Among  the  advantages  claimed  for  public  ownership  as 
above  defined  are: 

1.  That  it  would  automatically  provide  adequate  earnings. 

2.  That  the  state  would  provide  adequately  for  all  the 
helpless  and  unfortunate. 

3.  That  every  child  would  have  a  fair  start  in  life,  with 
opportunities  proportionate  to  abilities. 

4.  That  the  wastes  of  competition  would  be  eliminated. 

5.  That  the  motive  for  fraudulent  exploitation  of  the  public 
would  be  removed,  for  private  business,  being  eliminated, 
could  no  longer  bribe  officials,  manipulate  stock,  charge  ex- 
cessive prices,  adulterate  goods,  nor  exploit  natural  re- 
sources. 

6.  That  efficiency  would  be  increased,  since  the  workers 
would  be  stimulated  to  more  enthusiastic  effort  by  the 
knowledge  that  they  would  be  producing  for  their  own 
benefit  and  that  of  their  fellows  instead  of  for  private 
profit.    The  success  of  the  Panama  Canal,  and  the  relative 
economy  and  efficiency  of  the  parcels  post  as  compared  with 
private  express  companies,  are  adduced  as  evidences  of 
possible  efficiency  under  public  management. 

22 


7.  That  the  substitution  of  public  welfare  instead  of  private 
profit  as  the  mainspring  of  industry  would  eliminate  great 
evils. 

8.  That  the  absence  of  poverty  and  extreme  wealth  would 
eliminate  large  fractions  of  our  present  crime,  disease,  and 
social  unrest. 

9.  That  personal  freedom  would  be  increased  by  the  short- 
ening of  the  hours  of  labor,  by  the  extension  and  better 
adjustment  of  education,  by  more  adequate  incomes,  and 
by  the  consideration  of  the  worker's  rights  as  of  first  im- 
portance in  determining  the  conditions  of  labor. 

10.  The  war  would  be  eliminated  by  the  removal  of  the 
capitalistic  struggle  for  markets  and  for  commercial  ad- 
vantage, and  by  the  application  of  the  ideals  of  internation- 
al justice. 

D.  Among  objections  raised  against  public  ownership  are: 

1.  That  it  would  greatly  reduce  the  efficiency  of  production. 
Opponents  assert  that  the  incentive  of  private  profit  and 
of  the  ambition  to  accumulate  income-producing  property 
and  hand  it  on  to  one's  children,  is  essential  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  vigor,  initiative  and  enterprise;  that  qualities  of 
leadership  would  not  be  developed,  but  that  a  dead  level 
of  individuals  unfitted  for  anything  but  a  particular  job 
would  result.    They  point  to  the  notorious  distrust  which 
democracies  exhibit  toward  experts,  to  the  inefficiency  of 
many  city  and  state  governments,  and  to  the  reputed  stag- 
nation in  the  government  civil  service,  as  evidences  of  the 
inherent  inefficiency  of  public  management. 

2.  That  it  would  be  difficult  to  fix  prices  and  rates  of  com- 
pensation justly  under  complete  public  ownership. 

3.  That  personal  liberty  and  freedom  of  action  would  be 
sacrificed. 

4.  That  the  evils  of  the  present  system  are  due  to  defects 
of  human  nature,  which  no  change  of  system  would  elimi- 
nate.    Under  public  ownership,  they  suggest,  favoritism 
would  still  be  possible  in  promoting  individuals  to  positions 
of  authority,  in  granting  larger  compensation,  in  giving 
educational  opportunities  to  children,  and  elsewhere. 

5.  Many    radicals    object   that   the    control    of   industry 
through  a  government  bureaucracy  would  not  be  industrial 
democracy.     Government   employes    are   not   allowed   to 
unionize.    Postoffice  employes  have  been  prevented  by  the 
most  repressive  regulations  from  having  any  voice  in  de- 
termining their  own  working  conditions.     The  workers, 
these  objectors  argue,  should  control  their  working  condi- 
tions directly,  and  not  merely  as  voters  in  a  huge  electorate. 

23 


E.  For  original  thought  and  discussion: 

1.  How  would  public  ownership  of  land  and  capital  affect 
each  of  the  deficiencies  of  the  present  system  noted  in 
Section  II,  pp.  6-8? 

2.  Compare  and  elaborate  the  arguments  for  and  against 
the  efficiency  of  publicly  owned  and  operated  industry. 

3.  Would  individuality  have  a  better  chance  for  full  devel- 
opment under  public  ownership  or  under  capitalism  ? 

4.  Discuss  the  merits  of  co-operative  production. 

5.  If  public  ownership  were  accomplished  on  a  world-wide 
basis,  would  not  consistency  demand  that  the  resources  of 
America  be  pooled  with  those  of  countries  like  Russia  and 
China  ?    How  would  such  a  proposal  work  ? 

F.  Suggested  readings : 

Economic  Reconstruction.    John  R.  Commons.    American 
Economics  Review,  8-Sup.  5-17  (March,  1918). 
Outlines  of  Economics.    R.  T.  Ely,  1916.    Chapter  XXX  on 
Socialism,  pp.  627-640.    (Macmillan,  $2.25.) 

Where  and  Why  Public  Ownership  Has  Failed.  Yves  Guyot, 
1914.  (Macmillan,  $1.50.) 

State  Socialism  Pro  and  Con.  Walling  and  Laidler,  1917. 
(H.  Holt,  $1.25.) 

Principles  of  Economics.  F.  W.  Taussig,  1911.  Vol.  II,  pp. 
443-479.  (Macmillan,  $2.00.) 

The  Essentials  of  Socialism.  Ira  B.  Cross,  1912.  (Mac- 
millan, $1.25.) 

Socialism — Promise  or  Menace.  Hilquit  and  Ryan,  1914. 
(Macmillan,  $1.25.) 

VIII.    INDUSTRIAL  DEMOCRACY. 

A.  That  hand  and  brain  workers  should  have,  and  will  have, 
a  large  and  increasing  voice  in  the  control  of  industry  is  a 
commonplace  of  current  thought.  Industrial  democracy  is 
essential  for  the  following  reasons : 

1.  To  promote  efficiency.  At  the  Westchester  County 
(N.  Y.)  House  of  Correction  a  gang  of  men  recruited  from 
drunks,  thieves,  and  vagrants,  were  organized  into  a  mutual 
welfare  league,  and  were  set  to  digging  foundations  in 
competition  with  a  gang  of  hired  laborers.  The  contractor 
told  the  warden  that  he  would  like  to  trade  gangs,  because 
the  prisoners  were  so  much  more  efficient  than  the  hired 
men.  If  democracy  is  good  for  jail  bums,  why  would  it 
not  put  new  life  into  free  workmen? 

24 


2.  To  promote  justice  in  distribution  and  in  determination 
of  working  conditions.    It  is  axiomatic  in  law  that  justice 
can  be  achieved  only  when  all  the  interests  involved  are 
adequately  represented. 

3.  Because  consistency  requires  that  while  we  fight  for 
political  democrcay,  we  shall  achieve  industrial  democracy. 

B.  Industrial  unionism,  or  syndicalism,  is  a  form  of  organiza- 
tion urged  by  workers  in  many  countries  as  a  means  to  indus- 
trial democracy.  They  propose  to  organize  the  workers  of 
each  industry  in  one  big  union,  such  as  mine  workers,  or  steel 
workers,  contrasting  with  trade  unions,  which  are  organized 
by  crafts,  such  as  plumbers,  or  type-setters.  Industrial  unions 
include  the  unskilled  as  well  as  the  skilled.  The  syndicalist 
theory  represents  a  reaction  against  state  control  of  any  sort, 
and  postulates  the  substitution  of  industrial,  direct  action  for 
political  action.  The  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World,  who 
represent  the  syndicalist  movement  in  America,  arose  as  a 
protest  against  conditions  existing  in  the  western  mines  and 
lumber  camps.  Its  members  have  been  described  as  "home- 
less, jobless,  voteless,  womenless  men." 

1.  By  those  favoring  syndicalism  it  is  argued: 

a.  That  the  state  at  present  is  controlled  by  a  small 
group  of  economically  powerful  men,  the  large  capital- 
ists, who  own  the  newspapers,  finance  the  old  political 
parties,  and  control  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  the 
churches  and  universities.    That  the  worker  has  there- 
fore nothing  to  hope  from  political  action,  but  must 
put  his  faith  in  industrial  action  where  he  can  be 
effective  if  organized. 

b.  That  political  action  as  the  means  of  remedying 
grievances  is  indirect  and  delayed,  while  direct  action 
(sabotage)  is  more  speedy  and  effective. 

c.  That  work  should  be  the  basic  qualification  for  citi- 
zenship. 

d.  That  casual  workers,  who  are  disfranchised  by  mov- 
ing about,  and  immigrants  are  entitled  to  a  voice  in  the 
control  of  industry,  which  they  get  through  direct 
action. 

2.  Those  opposing  syndicalism  contend : 

a.  That  such  a  program  ignores  all  interests  except 
those  of  labor,  and  that  the  consumer  as  such  would  not 
be  represented. 

b.  That  powerful  industries,  like  steel  production,  or 
meat  packing,  would  secure  tyrranical  control  over  the 
community,  charging  excessive  prices  and  paying  un- 
justly high  wages. 

25 


c.  That  the  movement  is  terrifically  negative — destruc- 
tive of  industry  and  of  social  institutions  without  any 
clear  constructive  program. 

d.  That  such  a  system  would  place  the  control  of  in- 
dustry in  the  hands  of  the  most  ignorant  and  incompe- 
tent,  and   that  democratic   control   of  administration 
would  make  speed  and  freedom  of  executive  action  im- 
possible. 

e.  That  the  I.  W.  W.  is  merely  an  uncontrollable  agita- 
tion, chafing  against  authority,  with  no  definite  or  con- 
sistent body  of  ideas. 

C.  Guild  socialism  is  a  program  which  aims  to  combine  indus- 
trial unionism,  the  abolition  of  property  income,  and  the  reten- 
tion of  the  civil  government.    It  demands  that  each  industry 
shall  be  controlled  by  the  hand  and  brain  workers  who  operate 
it ;  that  the  body  politic  of  the  nation  shall  include  two  houses, 
one  composed  of  citizens  elected  on  a  geographical  basis,  the 
other  of  members  representing  the  various   democratically 
organized  industries.    The  ownership  of  land  and  capital  would 
be  vested  in  the  state  thus  constituted,  and  loaned  as  required 
to  the  industries.    This  plan  differs  from  orthodox  socialism 
in  that  it  provides  for  industrial  democracy;  it  differs  from 
syndicalism  in  that  it  retains  a  state,  with  representation  of 
the  consumer,  and  in  that  it  provides  a  higher  power  to  adjust 
conflicts  between  industries.     It  differs  entirely  from  anar- 
chism, for  it  proposes  to  maintain  government  in  its  full  sense. 

D.  For  original  thought  and  discussion: 

1.  Draw  up,  for  guild  socialism,  the  arguments  pro  and  con. 

2.  What  essential  reasons  would  make  an  industry  con- 
trolled by  a  board  of  directors  elected  by  the  hand  and  brain 
workers  less  efficient  than  an  industry  controlled  by  a  board 
elected  by  absentee  stockholders  ? 

3.  What  are  the  fundamental  differences  between  the  group 
of  remedies  which  includes  economy,  efficiency,  increased 
bargaining  power  and  social  insurance,  and  the  group  which 
includes  public  ownership,  syndicalism,  and  guild  socialism  ? 

4.  To  what  extent  could  trade  unions  be  developed  into  the 
units  of  an  industrial  democracy? 

5.  To  which,  if  to  any,  of  the  remedies  mentioned  in  this 
outline,  do  the  teachings  of  Jesus  give  support?    How  so? 

6.  Find  a  parallel  in  existing  industrial  organization  for 
each  of  the  following  forms  of  political  organization :    Ab- 
solute hereditary  monarchy ;  benevolent  despotism ;  limited 
monarchy ;  the  old  Prussian  electoral  system ;  republic. 

E.  Suggested  readings: 

British  Labor  in  Wartime.    G.  D.  H.  Cole.    New  Republic, 
XV,  p.  140  (Junel,  1918). 

26 


Socialism.     E.  C.  Robbins,  1915.     Pp.  169-179.     (H.  W. 

Wilson,  $1.25.) 

Organized  Labor  in  America.     Geo.  G.  Groat,  1916.    Pp. 

408-452.    (Macmillan,  $1.75.) 

Self-Government  in  Industry.    G.  D.  H.  Cole,  1917.    (Bell, 

London.) 

Syndicalism,   Industrial  Unionism,  and  Socialism.     John 

Spargo,  1913.     (Huebsch,  $1.25.) 

State  Socialism  Pro  and  Con.    Walling  and  Laidler,  1917. 

(H.  Holt,  $1.25.) 

National  Guilds.    A.  R.  Orage,  1917.    Pp.  132-140.     (Bell, 

London.) 

Books  on  the  National  Guild  Movement.  Survey,  41-643 
(Feb.  1,  1919). 

IX.    BOLSHEVISM. 

The  extreme  of  economic  radicalism  is  represented  by  the  pro- 
gram of  the  present  Russian  government. 

A.  The  dictatorship  of  the  proletariat  is  the  central  doctrine 
of  Bolshevism.  The  new  Russian  constitution  says:  "The 
power  must  belong  entirely  to  the  toiling  masses."  It  is  to  be 
a  dictatorship  "for  the  purpose  of  abolishing  the  exploitation 
of  men  by  men  and  of  introducing  Socialism."  Ultimately  the 
whole  population  is  to  be  included  in  the  proletariat,  for  "uni- 
versal obligation  to  work  is  introduced"  with  a  view  to  "the 
entire  abolition  of  the  division  of  the  people  into  classes." 
The  revolution  is  to  be  brought  about  by  force.  The  consti- 
tution decrees  that  "all  toilers  be  armed  .  .  .  and  the 
propertied  class  be  disarmed."  It  also  "introduces  universal 
military  training."  The  old  legal  system  has  been  abolished 
and  popular  tribunals  substituted. 

1.  Opponents  state  that  the  Bolsheviki  are  only  a  small 
minority,  ruling  by  terrorism ;  that  Russia  is  in  a  state  of 
utter  disorganization  and  anarchy;  that  the  constitutional 
assembly  was  forcibly  dispersed  after  the  Bolsheviki  had 
obtained  power  on  the  promise  of  hastening  it ;  that  social- 
ists opposed  to  Bolshevism  have  been  imprisoned  and  exe- 
cuted; that  more  newspapers  were  suppressed  and  more 
executions  ordered  in  one  month  under  Bolshevik  rule  than 
in  twenty-four  years  under  the  czar;  and  that  Russia  con- 
stitutes the  conclusive  demonstration  of  the  utter  failure 
of  radicalism.  The  danger  of  placing  complete  and  imme- 
diate power  in  the  hands  of  illiterate  masses  is  pointed  out, 
and  it  is  noted  that  if  the  mental  tests  used  in  the  army 
are  reliable  the  average  mental  age  of  American  laborers 
is  only  12  years,  while  enlisted  men  as  a  whole  averaged 
only  14  years  in  mentality. 

27 


2.  In  defense  of  proleterian  dictatorship  Lenine  says: 
"The  class  struggle  in  revolutionary  times  has  always  in- 
evitably taken  on  the  form  of  civil  war,  and  civil  war  is 
unthinkable  without  the  worst  kind  of  destruction,  with- 
out terror  and  limitations  of  the  form  of  democracy  in  the 
interests  of  the  war."  He  defends  "terror  .  .  .  used 
to  abolish  all  exploiting  minorities."  Lenine  argues  that 
the  chaos  in  Russia  is  a  heritage  of  the  war,  for  which  the 
capitalistic  governments  are  responsible.  These  same  gov- 
ernments, it  is  urged,  have  been  doing  everything  in  their 
power  to  prevent  the  Bolsheviki  from  establishing  an 
orderly  government  and  prosperous  industrial  life.  Advo- 
cates of  Bolshevism  point  out  the  fact  that  in  Vladivostok 
in  an  election  held  under  the  control  of  the  allied  armies,  an 
overwhelming  Bolshevist  victory  resulted,  and  that,  in  spite 
of  very  frequent  elections  and  ample  recall  provisions,  the 
Bolsheviki  have  remained  in  power  longer  than  any  other 
present  government  in  Europe  except  those  in  Greece  and 
England.  Relative  to  freedom  of  the  press,  John  Reed 
asserts  that  the  available  supply  of  ink  and  paper  was 
apportioned  to  conservative  and  radical  publications  in  pro- 
portion to  the  voting  strength  of  the  groups  they  repre- 
sented. A  Y.  M.  C.  A.  worker  testifies  to  the  safety  with 
which  relief  supplies  were  transported  and  distributed 
through  Russia  under  Soviet  protection.  A  group  of  pub- 
licists, including  Jane  Addams,  has  issued  a  statement  that 
the  truth  about  Russia  is  being  repressed,  and  that  the 
Soviets  are  conducting  an  orderly  government.  The  ex- 
cessive terrorism  of  the  White  Guard  and  of  anti-Bolshevik 
forces  has  been  ignored  by  the  press.  Max  Eastman  be- 
lieves "that  there  is  growing  into  maturity  in  that  country 
(Russia)  the  most  just  and  wise  and  humane  and  demo- 
cratic government  that  ever  existed  in  the  world." 

B.  The  economic  program  of  Bolshevism  involves  "the  sociali- 
zation of  land  .  .  .  to  be  apportioned  among  husbandmen 
.  .  .  in  the  measure  of  each  one's  ability  to  till  it;"  the 
nationalization  of  all  forests,  mines  and  water  powers ;  and  the 
transfer  to  Soviet  control  of  all  the  means  of  production,  bank- 
ing and  transportation.  They  apparently  advocate  such  a  dis- 
tribution of  the  product  as  shall  guarantee  a  subsistence  mini- 
mum to  all  and  promote  maximum  production.  Lenine  himself 
accepts  a  workman's  wages,  and  apparently  believes  approxi- 
mate equalization  of  income  desirable. 

1.  Reduced  production  has  resulted  at  first  from  this  ex- 
periment. Lenine  refers  to  "the  deadly  resistance  of 
laziness  and  middle-class  reaction  and  egotism."  E.  A. 
Ross  found  a  40  to  50  per  cent  slump  in  industrial  efficiency 
under  Soviet  management,  and  predicted  that  the  workmen 
would  soon  eat  up  the  capital  of  the  country.  Friendly 

28 


observers  have  found  workers  sleeping  at  their  machines 
during  factory  hours,  and  have  noted  the  absence  of 
authority  to  discharge  or  to  execute  any  policy  without 
tedious  committee  action.  It  is  stated  that  even  in  the 
army  committees  of  soldiers  debated  every  move  made  in 
battle,  while  in  factories  experts  are  over-ruled  by  the 
vote  of  unskilled  workmen,  and,  it  is  said  by  extreme  antis, 
have  been  murdered  in  great  numbers.  Catherine  Bresh- 
kovsky,  the  socialist  revolutionist,  claims  that  "the  land 
has  become  like  a  desert.  Only  few  and  small  industries 


2.  Bolshevik  leaders  admit  a  slump  in  productivity,  but 
maintain  that  this  is  only  a  temporary  reaction  from  the 
speeding  and  exploitation  under  the  capitalistic  regime. 
Lack  of  food  is  said  to  be  partly  responsible  for  lax  work. 
Lenine  advocates  the  Taylor  efficiency  system  under  Soviet 
control,  and  he  is  pushing  a  campaign  to  stimulate  accu- 
rate accounting,  energetic  labor,  and  increased  production. 
He  demands  labor  discipline,  for  "every  large  machine 
industry  .  .  .  requires  an  absolute  and  strict  unity 
of  the  will  which  directs  the  joint  work  of  hundreds,  thou- 
sands and  tens  of  thousands  of  people."  It  must  be  re- 
membered also  that  the  elimination  of  the  rent,  interest, 
and  profits  charges  formerly  consumed  by  property  owners 
creates  a  wide  margin  so  that  even  a  much  reduced  pro- 
ductivity might  mean  actually  a  greater  income  to  the 
workers  than  under  the  capitalistic  regime. 

C.  Educationally,  "the  Soviet  Republic  sets  itself  the  task  of 
furnishing  full  and  general  free  education  to  the  workers  and 
the  poorest  peasantry."    Free  halls  are  furnished  for  meet- 
ings.   School  houses  are  at  the  disposal  of  committees  of  schol- 
ars outside  of  school  hours.    The  Bolsheviki  aim  to  abolish 
"all  dependence  of  the  press  upon  capital."    Vast  editions  of 
the  classics  are  being  printed  for  distribution  at  nominal  prices. 
"The  right  of  religious  and  anti-religious  propaganda  is  ac- 
corded to  every  citizen"  by  the  constitution.    An  unconfirmed 
report  states  that  local  Soviets  have  passed  edicts  for  com- 
pulsory free  love. 

D.  Foreign  Relations.    According  to  its  constitution,  Bolshe- 
vism aims  at  "the  victory  of  Socialism  in  all  lands."    It  has 
adopted  the  "policy  of  breaking  secret  treaties."    It  approves 
"the  annulment  of  loans  made  by  the  government  of  the  czar." 
This  action  has  been  recently  reversed,  however,  according  to 
press  reports.     The  Soviet  Republic  purposed  "making  all 
efforts  to  conclude  a  general  democratic  peace  without  annexa- 
tions or  indemnities  upon  the  basis  of  the  free  determination 
of  the  peoples." 

29 


1.  Opponents  argue  that  the  Bolshevik!  withdrew  from  the 
war  at  a  critical  moment,  freeing  Germany  for  her  great 
western  offensive,  that  they  are  attempting  by  civil  war  to 
force  their  government  on  unwilling  peoples,  that  Lenine 
and  Trotsky  are  traitorous  German  agents,  and  that  the 
repudiation  of  her  loans  is  both  perfidious  and  suicidal. 

2.  Friends  of  the  revolution  point  out  that  the  allies  have 
invaded  Russia  without  declaration  of  war,  have  broken 
their  pledges  by  interfering  in  Russian  domestic  affairs, 
and  have  ignored  pleas  to  grant  Russia  an  armistice  on  the 
same  terms  granted  Germany.     They  assert  that  Russia 
sacrificed  more  than  any  of  her  allies,  and  was  more  ex- 
hausted when  she  surrendered  than  Germany  was  when 
she  surrendered.    They  claim  that  the  documents  relating 
to  Lenine's  and  Trotsky's  German  connections  are  notorious 
forgeries,  but  that  even  if  these  men  accepted  German 
money  they  did  it  for  use  in  bringing  about  the  revolution 
which  has  since  occurred  in  Germany. 

E.  For  original  thought  and  discussion: 

1.  By  what  plan  can  real  democracy  be  achieved  in  an  adult 
population  averaging  14  years  in  mental  age? 

2.  How  much  freedom  to  discuss  Bolshevism  should  be 
allowed  in  America?    Should  advocacy  of  violence  be  per- 
mitted? 

3.  Compare  Lenine's  ideas  of  industrial  organization  with 
syndicalism  and  guild  socialism. 

4.  How  can  impartial  channels  of  publicity  be  opened  ?    To 
what  extent  are  our  newspapers,  universities,  schools,  pul- 
pits and  public  meetings  now  controlled  by  monied  inter- 
ests? 

F.  Suggested  readings: 

The  Russian  Constitution.    Nation,  108:8-12  (Jan.  4,  1919). 

A  Letter  to  American  Workingmen.  Nicolai  Lenine.  Lib- 
erator, pp.  8-11  (January,  1919). 

Co-operating  with  the  Commissars.  Jerome  Davis.  Sur- 
vey, 41:655-7  (Feb.  8,  1919). 

A  New  Era  in  Russian  Industry.  Clara  I.  Taylor.  Survey, 
41:612-14  (Feb.  1,  1919). 

Terrorism  in  Russia.  Current  History,  VIII,  Pt.  II,  105-7 
(Jan.  1,  1918) ;  IX,  Pt.  I,  74-5  (Oct.,  1918) ;  504-6  (Dec., 
1918) ;  IX,  Pt.  II,  78  (Jan.,  1919). 

The  Madness  of  Russia.  John  A.  Bradford.  Bellman,  pp. 
239-41  (March  2,  1918). 

30 


Bolshevism  Convicted  Out  of  Its  Own  Mouth.  William  En- 
glish Walling.  National  Civic  Federation  Review,  pp.  7-9, 
18-19  (Jan.  10,  1919). 

Bolshevik  "Industrial  Government."  Gustavus  Myers.  Na- 
tional Civic  Federation  Review.  Dec.  20,  1918.  Pp.  8-9, 
18-19.  Jan.  10,  1919,  pp.  14-19. 

Internal  Policies  of  the  Bolsheviki.  Abraham  Yarmolinski. 
Current  History,  VIII,  pt.  I,  68-74  (April,  1918). 

Lenine — A  Statesman  of  the  New  Order.  Max  Eastman. 
Liberator,  Sep.,  1918,  pp.  10-13 ;  Oct.,  1918,  pp.  28-33. 

Lenine  and  Bolshevism.  E.  H.  Wilson.  Fortnightly  Rev. 
109:  371-383  (Mar.,  1918). 

How  the  Russian  Revolution  Works.  John  Reed.  Libera- 
tor, Aug.,  1918,  pp.  16-21. 

Russia  in  Upheaval.  E.  A.  Ross.  1918,  pp.  196-214  (Cen- 
tury, $2.55). 


X.  WAR  MATERIALS  FOR  A  NEW  SOCIAL 
ORDER. 

A.  As  a  basis  for  discussion,  the  following  constructive  pro- 
gram is  offered.  It  is  founded  upon  the  belief  that  the  basic 
ideals  of  social  justice  upon  which  this  discussion  is  founded 
can  very  largely  be  realized  by  the  simple  retention  and  logical 
extension  of  the  principles  adopted  and  acted  upon  by  the  gov- 
ernment during  the  war  in  its  dealings  with  soldiers  and  war 
workers,  and  that  the  machinery  created  for  applying  these 
principles  may  be  capable  of  extension  and  perfection  to  deal 
adequately  with  the  corresponding  civilian  problems.  It  is 
believed  that  such  a  program  would  avoid  most  of  the  dangers 
of  the  other  remedies  proposed,  and  would  retain  many  of 
their  advantages.  Such  a  program  would  proceed  on  the 
soundest  evolutionary  principles. 

1.  Social  Insurance.  The  government  has  recognized  its  obli- 
gation to  assure  to  the  dependents  of  soldiers,  during  the 
absence  of,  or  in  case  of  the  death  or  injury  of,  the  bread- 
winner, incomes  adjusted  to  their  needs,  by  a  system  of  in- 
surance and  allowances.  This  principle  of  protection  for  de- 
pendents should  be  extended  to  all  workers  and  their  families, 
and  the  war  machinery  perpetuated,  with  improvements  cal- 
culated to  adjust  it  to  other  existing  agencies,  as  a  peace 
instrument  for  administering  a  comprehensive  plan  of  social 
insurance.  The  plans  being  made  for  rehabilitating  war  crip- 
ples, should  be  extended  to  industrial  cripples. 

31 


2.  Housing:.     The  government  has  recognized  officially  the 
necessity  for  providing  adequate  housing  for  war  workers. 
Let  the  machinery  created  for  this  purpose  develop  plans  for 
adequate  housing  for  all  workers. 

3.  Education.     Soldiers  were  tested  mentally,  and  the  most 
promising,  in  test  and  in  action,  were  given  opportunities  for 
education  as  officers  at  government  expense.    The  same  prin- 
ciple fits  civilians ;  educational  opportunities  should  be  adjusted 
to  the  capacity  of  the  individual. 

4.  Recreation.     Wholesome  recreation  at  public  expense  is 
recognized  as  a  necessity  for  the  preservation  of  efficiency, 
and  the  abatement  of  vice.    This  is  equally  true  in  civil  life. 
Machinery  has  been  created  for  army  recreation  which  might 
be  developed  for  the  whole  people. 

5.  Regular  Employment.    In  war,  between  drives  and  in  cam- 
paigns, soldiers  are  retained  on  the  army  payroll  so  as  to  pre- 
serve organization  and  skill,  and  to  protect  the  soldier  from 
loss.    The  same  principles  apply  in  industry.    Machinery  for 
adjusting  the  labor  supply  to  the  demand  through  labor  ex- 
changes, has  been  developed  for  war  purposes.     Demobiliza- 
tion, however,  brings  an  employment  crisis  of  unprecedented 
extent,  with  five  to  ten  millions  of  workers  to  be  transferred 
from  war  to  peace  occupations  in  the  United  States.    Govern- 
ment work  in  improving  and  extending  railroads,  highways 
and  waterways,  public  buildings,  water  powers  and  other  pub- 
lic works,  should  be  pushed  immediately.    Agricultural  lands 
now  idle  should  be  made  available  to  returning  soldiers  for 
large  scale  farming  under  government  management,  or  for 
intensive  individual  farming.     The  government  should  exer- 
cise permanently  the  foresight  and  executive  skill  needed  to 
keep  the  full  labor  power  of  the  country  constantly  and  ef- 
fectively occupied. 

6.  Wage  and  Price  Adjustment.     The  war  labor  board  has 
established  the  priciple  of  minimum  wages  adequate  to  assure 
the  worker  and  his  family  maintenance  in  health  and  reason- 
able comfort.     Let  the  machinery  created  to  carry  out  this 
principle,  and  to  assure  prices  calculated  to  maintain  real 
wages,  be  extended  and  perfected.    Wages  should  be  adjusted 
with  a  decent  living  as  a  minimum,  and  should  be  arranged 
on  a  sliding  scale,  so  as  to  change  automatically  with  fluctua- 
tions in  the  cost  of  living.    Industries  or  establishments  un- 
able to  pay  the  wages  ordered,  while  charging  the  prices  fixed, 
should  be  placed  under  government  receivership,  with  wages 
as  the  first  lien  on  income. 

7.  Health  Protection.    A  vast  organization  has  been  built  up 
to  protect  the  health  of  soldiers  at  government  expense.   The 

32 


same  protection  should  be  extended  to  civilians,  and  the  or- 
ganization perpetuated  and  extended  to  that  end.  Medical 
care  should  be  provided  freely  by  the  government  for  the 
entire  community,  just  as  education  is  freely  provided,  and 
the  emphasis  should  be  placed,  as  in  the  army,  on  prevention. 

8.  Efficiency  and  Economy.     Steps  taken  during  the  war  to 
eliminate  waste  of  food,  fuel,  and  other  materials,  to  organize 
transportation  on  an  efficient  basis,  to  standardize  equipment, 
and  the  like,  should  be  continued  and  extended. 

9.  Taxation.    In  war,  the  government  has  acted  on  the  prin- 
ciple that  the  larger  incomes  were  as  much  subject  to  govern- 
ment command  for  the  good  of  the  nation  as  are  the  lives  of 
the  soldiers.    This  principle  should  be  extended  to  peace  times. 
The  costs  of  the  program  outlined  above  should  be  met  by 
heavy  progressive  income  taxes,  and  taxes  on  luxuries  and 
profits.    Interest  on  the  war  debt  should  be  met  out  of  this 
fund.    Confiscatory  inheritance  taxes  should  be  used  to  retire 
the  war  debt  and  to  purchase  basic  industries. 

10.  Government  Ownership.    The  government  control  of  in- 
dustry, which  has  proceeded  so  rapidly  during  the  war,  should 
be  perpetuated,  and  extended,  but  the  ownership  should  be 
transferred  as  rapidly  as  possible  to  the  government,  so  as 
to  make  possible  the  extinction  of  the  interest  and  dividend 
charges,  and  the  increase  of  wages,  and  decrease  of  rates. 

11.  Industrial  Democracy.    The  government  policy  of  recog- 
nizing and  fostering  labor  unions  in  war  work  should  be  ex- 
tended to  all  industries,  both  public  and  private.     Collective 
bargaining   should  be   axiomatic.     The  control   of   industry 
should  be  transferred  to  the  organized  workers  just  as  rapidly 
as  is  consistent  with  the  maintenance  of  industrial  vitality. 

12.  Peace  Settlement.    President  Wilson's  program  of  inter- 
national justice  as  a  preventative  of  future  wars,  of  interna- 
tional organization  to  preserve  peace,  and  of  disarmament  to 
release  money  and  man  power  for  social  reconstruction,  should 
be  supported  with  unstinted  enthusiasm  and  energy. 

B.  For  original  thought  and  discussion : 

1.  If  you  do  not  approve  of  the  above  program,  amend  it, 
or  work  out,  as  a  substitute,  your  own  plan  for  realizing 
the  basic  principles  of  social  justice. 

2.  Discuss  practical  methods  of  promoting  whatever  pro- 
gram you  think  will  meet  these  ideals. 

3.  In  what  respects  (if  at  all)  should  the  program  of  social 
measures  affecting  soldiers  and  war  workers  have  been  de- 
veloped in  a  more  democratic  manner? 

33 


C.  Suggested  readings : 

Resolutions  on  Reconstruction  of  the  British  Labor  Party. 
Survey,  40:500-504  (Aug.  3,  1918). 

The  Social  Revolution  in  England.    Arthur  Gleason.    Cen- 
tury, 93:565-572  (Feb.,  1917). 

The  Great  Change.    Charles  W.  Wood.    1918.  (Boni  &  Liv- 
eright,  $1.50). 

Beating  the  Bolsheviki.     Floyd  Dell.     Liberator  I,  41-44 
(Feb.,  1919). 


XL  OUR  PART  IN  THE  POLITICS  OF  PROGRESS.* 

What  can  we  individually  do  to  help  promote  social  justice  in 
America  ? 

A.  Two  contrasted  conceptions  of  social  reconstruction  are 
current: 

1.  The  idea  of  sudden,  forcible  overthrow  of  existing  pow- 
ers, wholesale  abrogation  of  existing  economic  and  social 
institutions,  and  the  attempted  installation  of  a  complete 
new  social  system  in  one  piece,  as  exemplified  in  the  Rus- 
sian and  French  Revolutions.     This  method  is  necessary 
where  the  ballot  is  denied  or  essentially  curtailed,  and 
where  free  speech,  free  assemblage,  and  freedom  of  the 
press  are  permanently  restricted. 

2.  The  idea  of  continuous  evolution  from  one  social  state 
to  another,  retaining  at  each  step  enough  of  the  old  system 
to  keep  economic  life  continuously  functioning,  progress 
being  achieved,  not  chiefly  by  force,  but  by  education,  agi- 
tation, and  information.     This  idea  is  exemplified  in  the 
development  of  British  institutions  in  recent  decades.    Such 
evolution  is  the  constructive  method  which  must  always 
be  resorted  to  in  the  long  run. 

B.  To  promote  her  social  evolution,  America  needs  informed 
public  sentiment  on  social  issues,  and  political  machinery  re- 
sponsive to  such  sentiment. 

1.  The  mass  of  the  people  have  always  had  the  potential 
power  to  obtain  justice: 

a.  By  weight  of  numbers  they  could  at  any  time  have 
revolted ; 


*More  than  one  session  may  profitably  be  spent  in  discussing  this 
section. 

34 


b.  By  refusing  en  masse  to  work,  they  could  have  forced 
reform ; 

c.  In  democratic  countries,  a  sufficient  majority  of  the 
voters  can  alter  the  government  to  any  degree,  and 
can  pass  any  legislation  it  desires. 

2.  That  great  injustice  still  survives  in  spite  of  these  three 
all-powerful  weapons,  is  due  to  lack  of  inspiration,  infor- 
mation, and  organization  on  the  part  of  the  exploited 
masses. 

C.  Creating  enlightened  public  sentiment: 

1.  The  power  of  informed  opinion  is  proved  by  the  spread 
of  workmen's  compensation,  industrial  sanitation,  woman 
suffrage,   prohibition,   and   vice   restriction.     These   and 
other  movements  are  winning  by  exerting  the  pressure  of 
public  opinion  on  existing  political  parties  and  on  employ- 
ers.    The  progressive  social  war  policies  enumerated  in 
Section  IX  have  resulted  directly  from  social  education. 

2.  Characteristics  of  sound  public-opinion  building  are: 

a.  Impartiality — it  should  not  be  controlled  by  any  eco- 
nomic class  or  interest. 

b.  Decentralization — every   point   of   view   should   be 
worked  out  with  the  greatest  freedom.    The  organiza- 
tion of  propaganda  should  be  for  the  purpose  of  stimu- 
lating, not  controlling  thought. 

c.  Facts  should  take  the  place  of  theories  as  far  as 
possible. 

d.  Broader  and  broader  areas  of  agreement  should  be 
created. 

e.  Leaders  of  thought  should  be  reached.    To  convince 
tens  of  labor  leaders,  editors,  preachers,  employers,  or 
legislators,  is  worth  convincing  hundreds  of  second- 
hand thinks. 

3.  Every  person  who  is  earnestly  discussing  social  prob- 
lems is  helping  to  build  the  future.    To  organize  groups 
for  such  study,  and  to  promote  publicity  on  social  issues, 
is  to  become  an  officer  in  the  army  of  thought.    This  sylla- 
bus aims  to  be  a  stimulous  and  vehicle  for  such  discussion. 

D.  The  politics  of  progress.    In  a  democracy,  orderly  social 
progress,  as  far  as  the  government  is  involved,  comes  only 
through  political  organizations.    The  progressive  who  wishes 

35 


to  see  social  ideals  crystalized  into  legislation,  must  concern 
himself  therefore  not  only  with  agitation,  but  with  parties 
and  politicians. 

1.  Should  one  work  for  social  progress  through  the  old 
parties  ? 

a.  In  favor  of  the  Republican  Party,  it  is  urged  that  it 
gave  birth  to  the  Progressive  movement  and  that  pro- 
gressive leaders  are  now  represented  in  its  councils. 

b.  In  favor  of  action  through  the  Democratic  Party,  it 
is  urged  that  it,  historically,  has  tended  to  represent 
the  common  people,  and  that  the  present  administra- 
tion has  secured  such  legislation  as  the  Federal  Child 
Labor  Law,  the  Adamson  Eight  Hour  Law,  and  the 
War  Risk  Insurance  Law,  and  has  promoted  such  poli- 
cies as  the  development  of  the  U.  S.  Employment  Ser- 
vice, the  creation  of  the  War  Labor  Board,  the  national- 
ization of  transportation,  social  control  of  prices  and 
materials,  and  the  protection  of  the  rights  of  labor. 
The  Republican  Party  now  takes  the  lead  in  demanding 
a  return  to  individualism. 

c.  For  both  it  is  urged  that  the  attempt  to  create  a  new 
major  political  party  would  prove  abortive,  and  that 
to  take  a  portion  of  the  progressives  out  of  a  major 
party  tends  to  throw  the  control  into  the  hands  of  the 
reactionaries;  also  that  the  abuses  of  party  organiza- 
tion are  likely  to  occur  in  any  party,  and  should  be  re- 
formed, not  abandoned. 

2.  Should  the  progressive  support  the  Socialist  Party  ? 

a.  In  favor  of  such  action  it  is  urged  that  this  is  the 
only  party  with  a  thorough-going  social  program ;  that 
the  other  parties  simply  borrow  as  palliatives  some  of 
its  planks ;  that  the  two  old  parties  stage  merely  sham 
battles  in  which  the  capitalists  who  finance  both  parties 
are  sure  to  win;  that  the  party  has  had  a  swift  and, 
until  1916,  uninterrupted  growth,  and  bids  fair  to  be- 
come, like  the  socialist  parties  in  Europe,  a  great  po- 
litical force;  that,  even  as  a  minority  party,  its  plat- 
forms and  its  agitation  have  been  the  source  of  most 
of  the  progressive  legislation  in  the  country ;  that  it  is 
far  better  to  sacrifice  temporary  gains  which  might 
come  through  the  old  parties,  in  order  to  build  up  a 
proletarian  party  which  can  ultimately  control  the  gov- 
ernment; and  that  its  opposition  to  war  was  due  to  a 
conviction  that  that  conflict  was  simply  one  between 
rival  capitalistic  governments,  while  the  proletariat 

36 


should  sacrifice  only  in  the  great  class  struggle  which 
cuts  across  national  boundaries. 

b.  In  opposition  to  supporting  the  Socialist  Party,  it  is 
urged  that  this  organization  advocated  policies  on  the 
war  which  would  have  resulted  in  the  victory  of  Ger- 
many; that  it  preaches  class  conflict,  leading  to  revo- 
lution, and  antagonizes  any  efforts  of  capitalists  or  the 
middle  class  toward  social  justice ;  that  its  materialistic 
philosophy  ignores  such  vital  forces  as  unselfish  ideal- 
ism; and  that  each  of  these  characteristics  arises  in- 
evitably out  of  the  Marxian  philosophy  to  which  it  is 
committed. 


3.  Should  the  progressive  help  to  build  up  a  new  party? 

a.  In  favor  of  such  action,  it  is  urged  that  the  old  par- 
ties are  founded  upon  personal  favoritism,  not  upon 
ideals;  that  the  Republican  Party  has  reabsorbed  the 
Progressives,  but  not  their  principles;  that  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  does  not  understand  or  genuinely  approve 
the  progressive  policies  of  the  Wilson  administration, 
and  that  when  he  perforce  steps  out  in  1920  a  reaction- 
ary administration  is  likely  to  succeed  him;  that  the 
attitude  of  the  Socialist  Party  toward  America's  part 
in  the  war  has  destroyed  the  possibilities  of  that  party 
as  an  instrument  of  social  progress ;  that  the  formation 
of  a  new  party  to  represent  the  constructive  radicalism 
of  America  is  therefore  inevitable. 


E.  For  original  thought  and  discussion: 

1.  Compare  the  chances  which  the  National  Party  has  of 
success,  with  those  of  the  Progressive  Party. 

2.  What  chances  of  success  have  the  labor  parties  recently 
organized  in  Illinois  and  New  York  ? 

3.  Discuss  the  relation  of  the  Non-Partisan  League  to  such 
a  movement. 

4.  What  should  be  the  relation  of  the  church  to  the  politics 
of  progress  ? 

5.  What  will  be  the  effect  on  social  progress  of  the  political 
power  of  the  returning  soldiers  ? 

6.  Compare  the  causes,  aims  and  procedure  of  the  French 
and  Russian  Revolutions. 

7.  What,  and  how  important,  are  the  functions  of  social 
revolutionists  in  a  program  of  social  evolution? 

37 


8.  Discuss  the  methods  of  the  Fabian  Society. 

9.  What  effect  would  proportional  representation  have  on 
the  politics  of  progress? 

10.  What  constitutional  changes  are  needed  to  make  social 
justice  attainable  in  the  United  States  ? 

F.  Suggested  readings: 

A  New  Liberal  Party.  Harold  Kellock.  Century,  94:885- 
890  (Oct.,  1917). 

Social  Psychology.  E.  A.  Ross,  1908.  Chaps.  XVIII  and 
XXII,  pp.  307-323  and  346-354.  (Macmillan,  $1.50.) 

Why  Idealists  Quit  the  Socialist  Party.  Nation,  104:65-66, 
181-182  (1917). 

Labor  and  Politics.  John  Fitch.  Survey,  40:363-365;  41: 
225,  264-265,  534-535.  (June  29,  Nov.  23  and  30,  1918,  and 
Jan.  18,  1919.) 

Political  Revolt  in  the  Northwest.  Charles  Merz.  New 
Republic,  13:15-17,  44-46,  71-73,  121-123  (1917-1918). 

Non-Partisan  League  and  Its  Independent  Press.  Ray 
McKaig.  Public,  22:13-15.  (Jan.  4,  1919.) 

Third  Parties  and  Their  Leaders.  Nation,  103,  pp.  27-28, 
511-512  (1916). 


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